Teaching Early Childhood Education

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Historically, salaries for early childhood educators have been lower than salaries for K-12 teachers, in part because the demand for early childhood educators is lower. But many are beginning to question that model, especially because research shows that high-quality early learning experiences are critical to children’s success in school and beyond.

But moves toward higher certification requirements and higher wages — which already exist in many areas — are unlikely to be pitfalls. Our data suggest that as educational standards improve, teacher differences – also important for young children’s experiences – may be affected.

Teaching Early Childhood Education

In 2015, early childhood workers (PAUD) were seen as their children were served. Nationally, the shares of black, Hispanic, and Asian workers are nearly identical to the shares of children of the same race and ethnicity. White teachers were overrepresented, but these differences were smaller than those children encounter when they enter school.

How Can We Improve Early Childhood Education? Use Public Dollars To Pay Teachers More

There are, however, two caveats. First, the general ratio between ECE staff and children does not mean that every child (or community) experiences this setting. Early childhood education programs are generally small, and families often choose programs that are close to the world or employment, so the separation of housing and employment may or may not result in unfair competition in the learning experiences of the earliest children.

Second, many children are not enrolled in early childhood education, and enrollment patterns are closely related to race and ethnicity. One in four white, Asian, and non-white children do not attend ECE regularly, compared to one-third of black children and nearly half of Hispanic children. Changes in ECE Registration may supersede the balance.

Seeing all early childhood workers together also misses part of the story because these teachers work in many related but different jobs. Some of these roles may not be traditionally identified as teachers, but we include them here because young children learn (or lack opportunities to learn) wherever they are.

Every early childhood career is more diverse than that of K – 12 teachers. However, these careers differ in racial and ethnic composition. About half of the child and family center’s staff and teaching assistants are people of color, making this role even more diverse. Preschool teachers and child care workers on private land are no different, each about two-thirds white.

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As in K – 12 education, early childhood teacher diversity is associated with professional qualifications and compensation. Early childhood education workers are more diverse than K-12 teachers, but they are less educated and compensated.

Among ECE workers, black and Hispanic workers are less likely to have a bachelor’s degree and more likely to have high school as their highest achievement level than white or Asian workers.

Workers in various ECE roles are among those most likely to have a high school diploma (or equivalent) or less and at least have the type of degree that leads to better educational quality and outcomes for their children.

These patterns mean that changing educational requirements for the preschool workforce are dangerous for teachers of color. But higher requirements, many said, are needed to justify paying ECE workers salaries that better reflect the importance of their employment.

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Efforts to improve educational requirements should ensure that financial and other support is provided to help ECE workers achieve this belief. Otherwise, diversity may be at risk.

Washington, DC, which recently raised the demand for its ECE workforce, is offering scholarships to help with the cost of retraining staff. Cities or programs should also consider paid time off for continuing education and providing substitute teachers when employees go to school.

Other places, like Philadelphia, are focusing on teacher training now. This program allows teachers to work more confidently on the job, instead of trying to complete afternoon and weekend lessons along with academic responsibilities.

Another option for early childhood programs is to hire teachers of color with higher qualifications. The finding is that hiring more qualified teachers can mean offering higher salaries, which the program struggles to justify based on current staff qualifications.

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The diversity of the ECE workforce is promising, but education standards and low wages are troubling. The next challenge is to increase education requirements and balanced wages without losing or dissuading early childhood teachers of color. In the United States, teachers who work with younger students turn over at higher rates than those in the K-12 education system. For example, our recent work shows that nearly half of Louisiana’s preschool teachers leave their jobs year after year. The pandemic makes this severe workforce challenge even worse. The director of the center said that they are struggling to protect and hire teachers and thus keep many families away.

Public investment in early childhood programs should yield two benefits: learning opportunities for children in normal life stages, and important job support for families and the economy. Teachers leaving at such high standards undermines both. Children learn less when they cannot form a strong and close relationship with their caregiver. Professional development programs are abandoned when many teachers leave before applying what they learn. Centers cannot run classes, or have to close completely, when they cannot recruit and retain enough teachers. And when childcare isn’t available, aging can’t get worse and the economy can’t recover.

No wonder turnover rates are so high in sectors where the work is hard but the wages are not enough to meet even basic needs. Across the country, childcare teachers are paid an average of $12 an hour and nearly a quarter report not having enough money to pay for food. Many early childhood educators can find higher-paying, more stressful jobs outside of childcare.

To combat this high attrition rate, many states are now using federal COVID-19 funds to launch bonuses and financial incentives for childcare teachers in hopes of balancing this workforce. It is not yet clear how much this short-term fund will help. And more generally, there is surprisingly little evidence on the relationship between increased compensation and teacher stability among early educators. That’s why – in collaboration with the Virginia Department of Education, the Virginia Early Childhood Foundation, and our colleagues Molly Michie and Vivian C. We conducted a recent experiment to investigate this issue.

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In 2019, Virginia received federal funding from the Preschool Advancement Through Five Grants (PDG), providing a large amount of financial incentives directly to early educators. The goal of this program, the Teacher Recognition Program (TRP), is to recognize the hard work of teachers, reduce their financial stress, reduce turnover, and create stronger early learning opportunities for children. Teachers are eligible as long as they work at least 30 hours per week with children ages 0-5 at any PDG participating site (including daycare centers and preschool programs). If they maintain this requirement for eight months, teachers can receive $1,500.

For 25 of the 26 Virginia cities and counties that participated in the PDG that year, all teachers who worked at the PDG site and met these requirements were eligible. However, in Fairfax, Virginia’s most populous county, there is insufficient funding to serve all eligible teachers, so the state allocates limited resources through a lottery. Specifically, 50% of participating sites were randomly assigned to participate in the TRP, and all eligible teachers at their sites could participate in the program. Another 50 percent of sites were ineligible; teachers do not receive communication about TRP and cannot receive funding through the program. This lottery, which is considered a more equitable method of allocating scarce resources, allows us to conduct a first test of whether financial incentives reduce teacher turnover in ECE.

Teachers in sites who were randomly assigned to TRP were significantly less likely to return. About a quarter of all teachers on an unmotivated site leave their site within eight months (see Figure 1 below). Only 14% of teachers are eligible for incentives.

The results are even more surprising among preschool teachers: Financial incentives cut turnover rates in half, from 30% to 15%. Financial incentives have no effect on turnover for teachers working in school settings. This may reflect differences in financial well-being within sectors; in our sample school principals receive twice the annual income of center principals, even if they work for several months of the year compared to center teachers who work year-round.

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When we surveyed teachers who received financial incentives after the end of TRP, almost all (89%) reported the extra money helped them cover personal and family expenses, including food and rent. One writes, “That means I can work and not have to worry about food, car bills, or childcare.”

Our results provide strong evidence that, at least in the pre-crisis context, the $1,500 incentive had a significant effect on teacher retention among child care teachers. For our partners in Virginia, these results led state legislators to increase federal dollars

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